Peace and Collaborative Development Network

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David W Grant
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on Tuesday
Nonviolent is a paramount focus in every society and therefore it is very important.
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nice meeting u here best wishes for the new year
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Profile Information

What motivated you (or your organization) to become involved in peace and conflict resolution?
Late father a civil rights lawyer, NAACP (1930's-1970's); conscientious objector to Vietnam War (incarceration); personal experiences of discrimination; love of people for who, not what, they are...
Please feel free to provide a short bio about yourself or the work of your organization (no more than 3 paragraphs)
Nonviolent Peaceforce Strategic Relations Director: project development, regional coordination, and liaison to the United Nations. Previously based in the Netherlands for six years: coordinator of the Nonviolence Education & Training Program for the International Fellowship of Reconciliation; trainer for Dutch observers to the Middle East; intercultural specialist for the Royal Tropical Institute. In the early 1990’s director of Rural Southern Voice for Peace, developing “The Listening Project”. Background includes conscientious objection to the Vietnam War, public television producing-directing, homesteading, coordinating a soup kitchen, creative writing and performance.
Currently producing a film on “Next Steps for Democracy” (sortitional proportional representation). Has special interest in “nonviolent struggle through the cultural arts”, including development of large-scale simulations.
Please list the countries and/or regions in which you (or your organization) have direct and significant expertise
Northern Europe; Philippines; northern Uganda; southern Sudan; Israel-Palestine
What is your current country of residence (or location of your organization)?
USA
What is your current job (and organization) and/or where and what field are you studying?
Strategic Relations Director for Nonviolent Peaceforce
What is your personal or organizational website?
http://www.nvpf.org
What is one of your favorite websites in the field? (please provide one answer per box)
http://International Crisis Group; Human Security Centre
Which are your primary sectoral areas of expertise (or the primary sectoral areas of your organization) ?
Civil Society, Conflict Resolution
Which are your primary skills areas(or the primary skill areas of your organization)?
Curriculum Development, Program Design, Training
What are some of your current areas of research (if any)?
Developing unarmed civilian intervention in violent conflict, especially large-scale
If appropriate feel free to list several of your (or your organization's) publications
“Responding to Terrorism and Conflict through Nonviolence and Cultural Action”, Facolta di Scienze della Formazione, Universita degli studi - Palermo, Sicily, 01
English Language Editor & Contributor, Power of Language: An Activity Guide for Facilitators, (Bertlesmann, 2001)
“Finding a Way to Peaceful Solution of Conflict in Indonesia”, findings report for UNICEF-Indonesia, October 2000
“Gewaltfreie Inserentin in größerem Maßstab?” (“Large-Scale Unarmed Peacekeeping”), speech for Bund für Sociale Verteidigung and article in English for Reconciliation International, May-June 2000
“Scavenger's Run”, essay, excerpted for Utne Review: The Best of the Alternative Press, 90 and chosen for anthology Best of The Sun: 1990's”, 2000
“Letter to My Children”, Track Two (Centre for Conflict Resolution, Cape Town) issue on “Fatherhood, Peace and Justice”, Dec 99
Editor of cultural arts section of People Building Peace: 35 Inspiring Stories from Around the World, (European Centre for Conflict Prevention publication), 99
“The King Legacy: Trainers in Nonviolence”, “Meeting with Archbishop Desmond Tutu”, selected articles in Reconciliation International
“Seeking Refuge” (teaching nonviolence in Hutu refugee camp, Zaire) and “Is You Is or Is You Ain't” (on race), High Performance, 96
“Peace Troupe: Atlanta”, video of workshop at international high school, Atlanta, 95
“Blue Fox Counts Down at the Gunshops”, video of site specific performance, North Carolina, 95
Co-editor of The Listening Project Training Manual, 94
“A Sortitionist Sangha” & “The Listening Project as Dharma Combat” essays, Blind Donkey, 88 & 93 and the latter, Exquisite Corpse, 93
Reviews of We Make the Road By Walking by Paolo Friere & Myles Horton and Civilian-Based Defense by Gene Sharp, Fellowship, 91 & 92
“Peace Nigger's Long March”, essay, A Bell Ringing in the Empty Sky: The Best of The Sun (Mho & Mho), 85

Comment Wall (9 comments)

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At 1:01am on June 24, 2009, imran khan laghari said…
Dear David,

I am Imran from Pakistan. Currently I am doing my master in Human Rights from Bangkok Thailand. I am very much interested about the work of nonviolent peace by your organizations. I wanted to join your nonviolent peace mission. Kindly guide me in this regard.

warmest regards,

Imran
At 8:28pm on March 12, 2009, Robert Rivers said…
david,

thanks for the note. i really appreciate it. the training was a roaring success. evaluations are very high. it was very practical, based on NP's actual field work, and was very integrative-combining the knowledge, personal qualities, and skills that were identified as necessary for at least this stage in the participants development process. had a couple wonderful simulations (one that was 13 hours) and good collaboration from all the NPP people. 2 or 3 of the participants told me that not only do they feel that the training gave them the core skills needed for the work but that it transformed them as human beings. i am very happy with how it all transpired.

the white buffalo in the picture was named "big medicine" and lived in montana. for some of the tribes around my hometown, the white buffalo is the mystical animal that comes to unite all the colors of humanity. i've always felt quite connected to this animal and used to spend hours in the museum (where he is now) just looking at him. a guide, i guess you could say. :)

how was sudan? i hope to meet with you at some point sooner rather than later.

peace, my friend.
robert
At 4:58am on February 3, 2009, shyam tosawad said…
Dear friend
Violance,war,conflicts,sufferings my desire to see world in peace and non violance has motivated me to join this network."Vasudev kutukbkam" entire world as a family, this was a teaching of our culture and traditional.we created countries,boundries,religions,cast,race for a genuine reason or a false reasons for any reason.but this the time to realise that we are one and we naturaly interconected with each other ,which we can just realise by watching inhale and exhale of breaths the source is same ,without any descrimanation,religion,bonundries, equaly for all living life of universe .When we understand this simple thing then we must understand how our and other's life is equaly important,valuble ,respectable .we should follow the nature's rule ,non violance .peace ,god has given us a human life not for destruction but for lookafter the wellbeing of all living life.
i shall be happy if you could include me in your circle of friends
At 1:09pm on November 19, 2008, Rene Wadlow said…
I am pleased to send you an article on the need for reconciliation bridge-builders in areas of tensions and conflicts as in eastern Congo. Just as world citizens had pushed in the 1950s for the creation of UN Forces with soldiers specially prepared for peace-keeping service, so now we are again pushing for a new type of world civil servant. India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal have all contributed actively to military-peacekeeping forces. Perhaps these same countries can take a lead in forming reconciliation teams. Your support and advice would be most appreciated. With best wishes, Rene Wadlow

East Congo — Need for Reconciliation Bridge-Builders

Rene Wadlow



On bridges are stated the limits in tons

of the loads they can bear.

But I’ve never yet found one that can bear more

than we do.

Although we are not made of roman freestone,

nor of steel, nor of concrete.

From “Bridges” – Ondra Lysohorsky

Translated from the Lachian by Davis Gill.



Violence is growing in the eastern areas of the Democratic Republic of Congo, basically the administrative provinces of North and South Kivu. The violence could spread to the rest of the country as Angolan troops may come to the aid of the Central Government as they have in the past while Rwandan and Ugandan troops are said to be helping the opposing militia led by Laurent Nkunda. While Nkunda and his Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP) say that they are only protecting the ethnic Tutsi living in Congo, Nkunda could emerge as a national opposition figure to President Joseph Kabila, who has little progress to show from his years in power.



There is high-level recognition that violence in Congo could spread, having a destabilizing impact on the whole region. UN diplomats, led by Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon, have stressed that a political solution — not a military one — is the only way to end the violence, and they are urging the presidents of Congo, Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, Kenya and Tanzania to work together to restore stability. The instability, along with Congo’s vast mineral and timber riches have drawn in neighboring armies who have joined local insurgencies as well as local commanders of the national army to exploit the mines and to keep mine workers in near-slavery conditions.



The United Nations has some 17,000 peacemakers in Congo (MONUC), the UN’s largest peacekeeping mission, but their capacity is stretched to the limit. Recently, the General in command of the UN forces, Lieutenant General Vicent Diaz de Villegas of Spain resigned his post after seven weeks — an impossible task. Their mission is to protect civilians, some 250,000 of which have been driven from their homes since the fighting intensified in late August 2008. The camps where displaced persons have been living have been attacked both by government and rebel forces — looting, raping, and burning. UN under-secretary general for peacekeeping, Alain Le Roy, is asking for an additional 3,000 soldiers, but it is not clear which states may propose troops for a very difficult mission. While MONUC has proven effective at securing peace in the Ituri district in north-eastern Congo, it has been much less successful in the two Kivu provinces.



The eastern area of Congo is the scene of fighting at least since 1998 — in part as a result of the genocide in neighboring Rwanda in 1994. In mid-1994, more than one million Rwandan Hutu refugees poured into the Kivus, fleeing the advance of the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front, now become the government of Rwanda. Many of these Hutu were still armed, among them, the “genocidaire” who a couple of months before had led the killings of some 800,000 Tutsi and moderate Hutu in Rwanda. They continued to kill Tutsi living in the Congo, many of whom had migrated there in the 18th century.



The people in eastern Congo have lived together for many centuries and had developed techniques of conflict resolution, especially between the two chief agricultural lifestyles: that of agriculture and cattle herding. However, the influx of a large number of Hutu, local political considerations, a desire to control the wealth of the area — rich in gold, tin and tropical timber — all these factors have overburdened the local techniques of conflict resolution and have opened the door to new, negative forces interested only in making money and gaining political power.



UN peace-keeping troops are effective when there is peace to keep. What is required today in eastern Congo is not so much more soldiers under UN command, than reconciliation bridge-builders, persons who are able to restore relations among the ethnic groups of the area. The United Nations, national governments, and non-governmental organizations need to develop bridge-building teams who can help to strengthen local efforts at conflict resolution and re-establishing community relations. In the Kivus, many of the problems arise from land tenure issues. With the large number of people displaced and villages destroyed, it may be possible to review completely land tenure and land use issues.



World citizens were among those in the early 1950s who stressed the need to create UN peace-keeping forces with soldiers especially trained for such a task. Today, a new type of world civil servant is needed — those who in areas of tension and conflict can undertake the slow but important task of restoring confidence among peoples in conflict, establishing contacts and looking for ways to build upon common interests.



Rene Wadlow, Representative to the United Nations, Geneva, Association of World Citizens
At 3:01pm on November 11, 2008, samuel orovwuje said…
its nice to read your profile and i have already requested for your frienship.
At 12:21pm on October 14, 2008, Rene Wadlow said…
16 October — World Food Day — The Three Fs

Rene Wadlow

“determined to promote the common welfare by furthering separate and collective action for the purpose of raising levels of nutrition and standards of living”
Preamble of the FAO Constitution


The current financial crisis joins those of food and fuel to challenge the world economy. The three crises are inter-related and impact each other. Paying hundreds of billions of dollars to rescue the world’s financial industry looks likely to cut both humanitarian aid and development spending. The price of oil has dropped but is still high and is a drain on the funds of developing countries.

Foreign development issues may be the first victims of the financial crisis as government officials focus on domestic issues, especially if there is the predicted slowdown in the economy and a rise in unemployment in North America and Europe.

At a recent funding meeting in Geneva, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Antonio Guterres recognized that the financial crisis would raise challenges for those who have traditionally financed UNHCR programs. “At the same time, I must point out that the resources required to support the 31 million people we care for are very modest indeed when compared to the sums being spent to bring stability to the international financial system. It would be tragic if the funds available to the humanitarian community were to decline at the very time when demands upon us are increasingly so dramatically.”

Yet the decline in governmental aid to the developing world is probably inevitable. Thus an emphasis must be placed on creating a world food policy which draws upon improving local self-reliance while not creating nationalistic policies which harm neighbours. Food is a key aspect of deep structural issues in the world society and thus must be seen in a wholistic framework.

Jean Ping, the chairman of the African Union Commission noted recently that “The sharp increase in basic food prices has had a particularly negative effect on African countries. In the medium and long term, the Commission proposes measures to regulate speculation, the sharing of public cereal stocks, strengthening the financing of imports and reliable food aid, promoting investment in social protection and increased investment to boost agricultural production.” The African Union has 53 state-members with some 750 million people, over half of which are in what is now called “the bottom billion” — people living on $1.25 a day or less. While there is something artificial in poverty lines based on buying-power, such poverty statistics give an indication of the challenges faced.

While constant improvements in technology, mechanization, plant breeding and farm chemicals have steadily increased food production per acre in much of the world, African food production per acre has stagnated, and in some areas has gone down. Likewise, the portion of development assistance in Africa dedicated to agriculture has declined from 15 per cent in the 1980s to 4 per cent in 2006.

Thus the first need in Africa is to develop the local economies: Currently, poverty, lack of adapted technology, population pressure on ecologically fragile areas, a growth of urban slums due to rapid rural to urban migration is the lot of many Sub-Saharan African countries.

Increased action to improve rural life needs to be taken quickly. As the recent UN-sponsored Millennium Ecosystem Assessment notes “Human activity is putting such strain on the natural functions of Earth that the ability of the planet’s ecosystem to sustain future generations can no longer be taken for granted. It is becoming ever more apparent that human society has a rapidly shrinking window of opportunity to alter its path.”

World Food Day needs to be marked by a sharper analysis of the causes of rural stagnation and a renewed dedication to cooperative action.

Rene Wadlow, Representative to the UN, Geneva, Association of World Citizens
At 5:21pm on October 6, 2008, Rene Wadlow said…
Dear David, I thought with your experience you might be interested in this article on peace teams. I'll look up your discussion on training, though being of the pre-computer age, I always have difficulty adding to discussions. Best wishes, Rene Wadlow

Non-Violent Peace Brigades: How Fast Can We Move?
Written by René Wadlow
Tuesday, 30 September 2008

I envision an international ideal of service awakening in an emerging class of people who are best called evolutionaries. I see them as soldiers, as youth, and as those who have soldier spirit within them. I see them come together in the name of people and planet to create a new environment of support for the positive growth of humankind and the living earth mother. Their mission is to protect the possible and to nurture the potential. They are the evolutionary guardians who focus their loving protection and affirm their allegiance to people and planet for their own good and for the good of those they serve. They are pioneers, not palace guards. - Jim Channon, First Earth Battalion

The United Nations General Assembly has designated October 2 as the International Day of Nonviolence. October 2 is the birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi. For Gandhi, non-violence was at the center of his philosophy and actions. Thus it is appropriate to mark the day with an analysis of one aspect of non-violent action: the role of peace teams as observers in conflict situations.

The armed conflict between Georgia and Russia over South Ossetia and Abkhazia starting on August 8 as most people were watching the start of the Olympic games is a test case in real time of how fast governments can negotiate a ceasefire, a freeze on military activity and the deployment of external observers on the frontiers of Georgia, South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The full team of European Union (EU) observers, some 300 persons, is to be in place by October 1. As France has the presidency of the EU until the end of 2008, the French government had its team of 30 observers on the ground by 25 September, waiting for the full contingent of EU observers. The observers, while unarmed, are from military and internal security units.

During the first weeks of the conflict, there were only Russian peacekeepers. The Russian peacekeepers have been there since 1994 when an agreement was signed in Geneva among Georgia, Abkhazia, Russia, and the UN. The UN was to mediate in the Georgia-Abkhazia conflict and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) the Georgia-South Ossetia conflict. The Commonwealth of Independent States was to provide peacekeepers – basically observers. The CIS states were quickly reduced to only Russia. There are no reports that the Russian peacekeepers tried to prevent the fighting between Georgian and Russian troops or between the Georgian and South Ossetia militias. The degree of government control over these militias cannot be known.

The violence has led to a refugee flow from South Ossetia and Abkhazia, mostly of ethnic Georgians. The current refugees join some 200,000 Georgian refugees, mostly from Abkhazia, due to the 18 months of fighting during 1992-1994. Most of the ethnic Georgian refugees have not been permanently resettled in Georgia and continue to live in unstable conditions. It is unlikely that, after the current flair up of violence, there will be any massive return of refugees.

The EU observers are from the military. I do not have access to the resumes of the observers to know how many have served in other countries, in UN missions or received special training in unarmed observation. As we mark the International Day of Nonviolence, it is appropriate to ask could non-violent peace teams have reached the Georgia-Abkhazia and Georgia – South Ossetia frontiers faster had they been called upon by the EU or the UN to do so? We can also try to look at why governments still turn to their armed forces to provide observers in conflict areas.

There have been a good number of efforts to create non-violent teams which could work internationally somewhat on the model that Mahatma Gandhi and his followers developed in India, the Shanti Sena, to work primarily in local communal tensions.(1) One of the first and most ambitious was the proposed "Peace Army" to be a ‘living wall’ between the advancing Japanese Army and the Chinese defenders of Shanghai in 1932. The effort, based in the UK, was offered to the League of Nations, but since the League was not planning to get involved, nothing came of the effort. Japan continued its conquest.

A second opportunity to show the effectiveness of non-violent inter-positioning came in August 1981 with the newly created US-Canada-based Peace Brigades International (PBI). In August 1981, there was a fear that US troop maneuvers in Honduras on the frontier with Nicaragua would be a prelude for a US or a US-aided attack on the Sandinista government of Nicaragua. PBI was able to draw upon an already existing team of people in southern California, some of whom were trained in radio transmission. The team had already trained together and built up a ‘team spirit’. The team was able top move out quickly. Negotiations with diplomats from Nicaragua and Honduras were carried out at the UN in New York as part of the PBI secretariat was in Philadelphia, in easy reach of New York. After the US-Hondourous maneuvers finished, the fear of a real invasion ended, and the PBI team was withdrawn. (2)

One never knows if there were serious US plans for an attack or if support for the Contras was all that was envisaged. This experience showed the need for having an existing trained team and for good contacts with ambassadors at the UN. Given the crucial importance of close contacts with the UN, I was asked to represent PBI at the UN in Geneva, which I did from 1982 until about 1996 when there were changes in the functioning of the PBI secretariat. For reasons I do not know, after the one experience on the Nicaragua-Honduras frontier, there was no further use made of the team from southern California. PBI recruitment was done on an individual basis. Teams were constituted when individuals arrived in the country of action. The PBI activity became centered on individual protective accompaniment of local human rights activists living under threat of abduction or assassination in Guatemala. (3)

During the 1980s, the Ambassador of Nicaragua to the UN in Geneva was one of my former students who kept me well informed about Central American politics. We had discussions on the possibility of non-violent defense against the Contras. While there was interest on the part of the Nicaraguan government, nothing was really put into place.

There were two situations with which I was deeply involved in discussions with UN officials: the large-scale refugee flow of Muslim Burmese to Bangladesh with the danger of a Burmese Army attack on the refugees, and the transport of relief supplies during the wars in ex-Yugoslavia. In both cases, several hundred people would have been necessary with only two weeks notice. PBI was not equipped to raise that number of people in that length of time.

Since the 1981 creation of PBI, a number of other organizations have joined the ranks of non-violent peace teams, some with hopes of building a large reserve of well-trained team members able to go into conflict areas as peacemakers and actively use and share their conflict resolution and peacemaking skills. There has also been a growth in mediation and conflict resolution efforts, both in academic programs and in non-governmental organizations (NGOs). However, as we see in the Georgia conflict, ‘when the chips are down’, governments turn to other governments, not to NGOs.

The confidence of governments only in other governments should come as no surprise. The world is still organized around the role of states, and both the diplomatic services and the military are trained to be state-centric. There is no non-governmental peacemaking organization that springs to the mind of a government official in a crisis situation, with the possible exception of the International Committee of the Red Cross which is bound to governments by treaties which set out its rights and responsibilities.

As Brian Urquhart, for many years the chief political officer in the United Nations, has written "Peacekeeping depends on the non-use of force and on political symbolism". The Red Cross is one of the most universally recognized political symbols. Even those who do not respect the Geneva Conventions know they are not supposed to shoot people with a Red Cross flag. Only the UN flag has such wide recognition as a non-state symbol.

The second weakness of non-governmental peacekeeping is the lack of availability of people on short notice. While there are an increasing number of people who have studied in conflict resolution courses or have participated in efforts in the field, most have jobs, families etc. and cannot drop everything to live on the Georgia-South Ossetia frontier for three months. The military are sitting around waiting for something to do. The only civilian equivalents are monks. I had once thought that it might be possible to re-create the ‘fighting monks’ of Japanese history. I saw teams of Christian, Buddhist, and Hindu monks all trained and ready to be deployed. For a while in the 1980s when there were a good number of communes, I thought about ‘New Age monks’ that could play the same role. But I must not have been convincing enough.

The third weakness is related to the other two. The people on the ground who are to be protected or at leased ‘observed’ know what the military are. They may not like soldiers, but they have seen them before. Non-violent peacekeepers without a recognizable symbol or uniform are unknowns and there is little time to explain.

Non-violence is still more potential than reality. On the International Day of Nonviolence, we have to consider the road not yet travelled.

***



Rene Wadlow, Representative to the United Nations, Geneva, Association of World Citizens and editor of the on-line journal of world politics and culture: www.transnational-perspectives.org

Notes:

1. Thomas Weber.Gandhi's Peace Army: The Shanti Sena and Unarmed Peacekeeping, (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1996, 293pp.)

2. For an account see: Daniel Clark Transnational Action for Peace Transnational Perspectives Vol 9, N°4, 1983

3. For a full analysis see: Liam Mahony and Luis Enrique Eguren Unarmed Bodyguards: International Accompaniment for the Protection of Human Right, (West Hartford, CT: Kumarian Press, 1997, 288pp.)
At 8:21am on November 26, 2007, James said…
You may already know about it, but just in case it’s something that would benefit you…

Global Peacebuilders is an online peacebuilding hub dedicated to creating opportunities for you to promote the work that you do for peace across the world. Profiling your peacebuilding activity on the Global Peacebuilders database takes just 2 minutes, and in return, you access:

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To go straight to the profile registration page, just click the link below:
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At 4:14am on September 26, 2007, Eyal Raviv said…
Hi David,
I like your profile! I'd like you to join me on mepeace.org,
a platform for peacemakers advancing Middle East peace.

Eyal :-)
 
 

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